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The Green Conservative

Republican Senator: An Energy Bill Without Carbon Regulation Would Be "Half-Assed"

How can the energy market scale up technologies that don't pump copious quantities of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere?

Put a price on carbon that sends those markets a price signal that burning carbon-rich fuels, including coal and oil, have economic, environmental, and national security costs that energy prices today don't communicate.

With that price signal in place, the market would open up for low-carbon alternatives - efficiency and renewables, for example - the development of which would create jobs, seed new industries, and lower demand for oil.

The price signal is the linchpin of the deal that the tripartisan trio of Senators Lindsey Graham, John Kerry, and Joe Lieberman are attempting to negotiate.

Which is why all of the recent talk of settling for a shilly-shally, small-bore, energy-only bill that takes a pass on pricing carbon caused Graham to push the envelope on his word choices in an informal talk with business leaders last week.

"If the approach is to try to pass some half-assed energy bill and say that is moving the ball down the road, forget it with me"....



The Case for a U.S. Electricity Superhighway

Striding across the countryside like metallic cartoon characters, transmission towers grasp in their stiff, unwieldy arms the wires that enabled me to write this and enable you to read it.

electrical transmission lines

The long-distance lines don't care where the electricity that they're carrying comes from. For the record, half the electrons that they shunt around America are generated by burning coal, which comes with steamer trunks of environmental baggage - billions of tons of heat-trapping carbon pollution, particulate matter that sears lungs, toxic mercury that sears brains, and disfigured landscapes in the Appalachians.

Many greens would like to replace much of that coal with wind and solar energy. Both have a long way to go; wind and solar combined account for less than 3 percent of U.S. generating capacity. The rub is that the best wind resources in the nation are in the short-grass country of the Great Plains and the best solar is in the sun-blasted expanses of the Southwest - in both cases, far from where people expect electricity to light their homes, power their businesses, and energize their plethora of electronic toys 24/7/365.

Without transmission lines, there is no way to move ...



Will "Shale Gas" Save the Environment or Wreck It?

ExxonMobil's CEO went before a House energy subcommittee last week to talk about the plan for America's biggest company to become bigger. Exxon is getting into the natural gas business, big time, with its proposed $41 billion acquisition of Texas gas produer XTO Energy, which holds the nation's second largest gas reserves.

Exxon plays a long game, so its entry into the gas world is a strong signal that gas might have a much bigger role in the nation's energy future. Once burned off by oilmen as a nuisance, gas has attained a charmed image as the elixir that could deliver both energy security – take that, OPEC! – and clean energy – take that, King Coal!

Ed Markey, the Massachusetts Democrat who chairs the House Energy and Commerce Committee's energy subcommittee, likely is not on Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson's Christmas card list. Markey has had numerous policy run-ins with Exxon, but at the hearing, he pointed out that the company's proposed merger with XTO signals a "fundamental shift" in America's energy markets. The shift, he explained, is the boom in "shale" gas that has attracted Exxon and other big players in the energy world.

At Markey's hearing, Tillerson said that shale gas and other "unconventional" gas sources are expected to meet most of America's domestic gas demand by 2030.

So, what is shale gas, why is production booming, and why is it unconventional? ...



Gasoline Doesn't Come with Country-of-Origin Labels

Last week's post about the incongruity of high gasoline prices in oil-rich Alaska torqued at least one Alaskan.

Where does your gasoline come from, torqued Alaskan asked yours truly, with a scolding undertone that people who use gasoline shouldn't air hypocritical criticisms about the drawbacks of producing more domestic oil.

Well, since the question was asked, a significant fraction of the gasoline that I buy comes from Alaska, given that I live in the Pacific Northwest market. One can never tell for sure, however, where each hydrocarbon molecule sitting in my buggy originated. Some of those molecules came from Canada. Others hail from Southeast Asia. Since they don't come with country-of-origin labels, there is no way to tell which came from where.

Which brings us to the sequel of last week's story about the workings of the gasoline market.

Off and on, there have been calls for "country of origin" labels on gasoline pumps. Usually, those calls are loudest when prices spike upward and/or one of our oil trading partners has vexed us yet again.

There is a tantalizing model in the food business. Cruise through your grocery store's produce section and you'll see helpful country-of-origin labels required by federal farm legislation. Those bananas were shipped from Ecuador. The red, ripe tomatoes were picked in Mexico. That box of blueberries took a long boat ride from Chile.

Suppose you could pull up to the pump and see labels showing you where gasoline comes from?...



Why Gas Costs So Much in Oil-Rich Alaska

Alaska produces more oil than any other state in the country except for Texas. Alaska has higher gasoline prices than any other state in the country, period. Alaskans are flummoxed and mad. A few state legislators are talking about regulating fuel prices. You don't often hear calls for more government regulation in the land of Sarah Palin.

Alaska's situation raises intriguing questions about the economics of oil and gasoline. When gasoline prices are perceived to be too high, such questions regularly come up, sometimes with an accusatory flavor garnished with mutterings about price gouging and oil industry conspiracies.

Let's compare two states - Alaska, which produces some 700,000 barrels of oil per day, and South Carolina, which produces no oil to speak of. In Anchorage, gasoline costs around $3.25 per gallon. In Charleston, gas costs about $2.50 per gallon.

Why the big difference? Why are fuel prices higher in a state where oil is plentiful than in a state that relies on outside suppliers for all its petroleum products? What does it cost to deliver a gallon of gasoline to customers at the pump? How are gasoline prices set? ...



How Copenhagen Could Give You a Job

The diplomats, politicians, entourages, activists, reporters, and hangers-on are heading home from Denmark - leaving behind trash for Copenhagen and a throbbing headache for the rest of the world.

It was probably unrealistic to expect representatives of 192 countries - each of which have different interests and politics - to come to terms on a treaty settling all of the details involved with reworking the world's energy economy in time to keep the global climate out of the red zone.

Disappointment at the dishwatery deal that came out of Copenhagen is understandable. Still, the tortuous history of nuclear arms control negotiations shows that there might be a productive roads towards progress.

Back in the day, the Big Two were the United States and the Soviet Union. Both maintained nuclear arsenals that posed existential risks to civilization. None but the Big Two could dial back the risks. Haltingly, through many high-level summit meetings, some friendlier than others, and many sets of highly complicated, difficult negotiations, the Big Two found ways to shrink their arsenals. Success took longer than was optimal, but the result was a safer world.



Bipartisan Ingredients Added to Climate Bill Recipe

At the December 10 press conference rolling out a bipartisan - or, is it tripartisan? - framework for climate legislation, Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-South Carolina, set a high bar for environmental achievement.

"Why can't America have the cleanest air and the purest water?" Graham asked. "Why would any Republican or Democrat want that not to be so?"

In a darkened bedroom, inside the last redoubt of true patriots, a tea party activist is tossing and turning, worrying that some conservatives, somewhere, agree with Lindsey Graham.

What's immediately important, however, is whether Graham can sign up a few more of his GOP colleagues to support a bill to limit carbon pollution. Graham, joined by Massachusetts Democrat John Kerry and Connecticut Independent Joe Lieberman, rolled out what they hope will be a launch pad that will lift climate change legislation past the 60-vote threshold necessary for passage. If that occurs sometime in the spring, the next step would be reconciling what are likely to be considerable differences between the Senate legislation and the the bill that the House passed June 26. But that's a story for another day.



Why I Don't Take 'Climate Gate' Seriously

Before delving into the fracas surrounding the climate scientists' purloined e-mails, it's important to say that I have yet to hear one climate denialist acknowledge that it's not OK to steal other people's mail in the electronic equivalent of breaking and entering.

Not even a weasly "Naturally, we don't condone theft, but..." statement. No, faux "conservatives," who supposedly champion law and order and property rights, are brazenly waving around stolen property like hooligans who have just ransacked a liquor store.

With that point made, let's examine a few points about the e-mails.

They show that scientists are human, complete with all the emotions wrapped up in the human package. When people feel that their integrity has been wrongfully impeached and that their life work has been manipulated, misrepresented, and distorted by grandstanding politicians and ideologues, then people are likely to act out. They might behave badly, like call people names - heaven forfend if climate denialist bloggers and talk show hosts were to call people names. They might exercise poor judgment by discussing ways to withhold information from said grandstanders and ideologues, which simply gives the merchants of deception another club with which to beat honest scientists.

To assert that the stolen e-mails disprove the case for climate change linked to human activities, a case bolstered by multiple, independent lines of evidence, is absurd. Such arguments reveal more about the denialists who spend their time breathing each other's exhaust than about scientists who are managing the most complex research enterprise in the history of the world.

Skeptics who honestly are not sure about climate science and are willing to do the hard work of finding things out for themselves rather than accepting information regurgitated from Rush Limbaugh, can take a look at raw data, including temperature sources, paleo-records, modeling outputs, and more by clicking here....



Who Will Break the Energy Monopolies?

It took Theodore Roosevelt a few months to find his sea legs following his unexpected ascent to the presidency.

He found them five months later, when in February 1902, his administration took on America's swaggering financial barons by filing an antitrust suit against the Northern Securities Co.

The monopolists who dominated the nation's economy did not take kindly to such impudence. As Edmund Morris described it colorfully in Theodore Rex: "Now they stood shoulder to shoulder against him, legionnaires of the established economic order, bristling with wealth, courteously hostile behind their breastplates of boiled cotton."

From that point forward, TR became known to history as a trustbuster, intolerant of monopolies, and of the abuses, economic distortions, and loss of freedom that follow in their wake.

Jump ahead a century. We are gripped by a monopoly of a different sort. It imposes growing risks to the economy, makes us vulnerable to hostile, undemocratic regimes, and threatens lasting damage to the natural capital that makes modern civilization possible. It begs for a TR-style intervention.

The monopoly is the grip that fossil fuels hold over the energy that we use to grow our food, move our goods, warm our homes, and power our cities.

If we proceed with business as usual and allow the fossil fuel monopoly to continue its unfettered sway, we face "alarming consequences for climate change and energy security," the International Energy Agency (IEA) said in its World Energy Outlook 2009.

"The rate of growth of fossil-energy consumption projected in the (business-as-usual) scenario takes us inexorably towards a long-term concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere in excess of 1,000 (parts per million) of CO2-equivalent." The result: "massive climatic change and irreparable damage to the planet," IEA warns.

The IEA is made up of career civil servants and diplomats trained in economics, law, and public administration. Such people are not in the habit of using white-hot language unless they have a damned good reason for doing so.

Which is why conservatives ought to think about fossil fuel dependence as a harmful monopoly that must be dealt with swiftly and forcefully. Climate blogger Joseph Romm pointed out recently that conservatives repelled by big government and its regulatory reach ought to consider what could be in store if we remain in thrall to the fossil fuel monopoly. If the climate spins out of control as a result of thick-headed resistance to changing the energy status quo, we'll be regulated by big government, within an inch of our lives. No other institution could armor the coasts, re-allocate water supplies, and deal with all of the other emergency adaptations that likely would be necessary.

If conservatives can't bring themselves to accept climate change science because Al Gore made a movie about it, then perhaps oil's monopoly over transportation and its pernicious threat to national security ought to interest them. The new book, Turning Oil into Salt: Energy Independence Through Fuel Choice, makes it clear that drill-baby-drill doesn't solve that problem.

As authors Gal Luft and Anne Korin, co-directors of the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security, put it bluntly: "Playing in the same playing field with the likes of Hugo Chavez, Saudi King Abdullah, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Vladimir Putin is playing a game we can never win. They have most of the world's oil; we have - drill everywhere - barely 3 percent of conventional oil reserves."

David Sandalow, formerly with the Brookings Institution and now the Department of Energy's head of policy and international affairs, wrote in his 2008 book, Freedom from Oil, that we must wrap our heads around the idea that we ought to have energy choices like we have choices in food, drink, and countless other essential products. "For most Americans, in most situations today, there are no substitutes for oil available. We grew up with this. So did our parents and grandparents. We consider it normal. But it is deeply abnormal."

Breaking monopolies breaks the abuses and harms with which they burden our lives. It is a blow for freedom. Theodore Roosevelt understood that a century ago. Conservatives resisting a change in the energy status quo ought to think about that today.



Far-Right Picks a New Fight: Donations to Environmental Groups

meg whitman

I haven't made up my mind about Meg Whitman, former eBay CEO and current Republican candidate for governor of my birth state of California. And REP's California chapter hasn't made an endorsement decision for next year's primary, so what follows is not an endorsement.

However ... after finding out what extremists have been saying about Meg Whitman lately, I'm ready to bake her a cake. Whitman, you see, has been criticized for - oh, the humanity! - donating large sums of money to environmental organizations. For her support for conservation, Whitman has been branded not conservative by the chiefs of the ideological thought police at the far right edge of the political spectrum.

This all came about because Whitman donated $1.15 million to a Colorado land protection organization that persuaded the town of Telluride to condemn nearly 600 acres owned by a developer who planned to build homes, a golf course, and a hotel. Reasonable people can disagree on whether such measures should be pursued to protect open space. Nevertheless, the Colorado Supreme Court ruled, 6-1, that the town was within its rights to do what it did. A jury awarded the development company $50 million in compensation, equal to its appraisal.

Whitman also has been taken to task for donating a tidy sum to Environmental Defense. ED is hardly a bunch of radicals; the buttoned-down group works closely with household-name companies such as DuPont, McDonald's, FedEx, and WalMart on projects to reduce waste and chemical hazards.

None of that matters, however, to radicals for whom stewardship of our natural heritage is the first step on the road to socialist perdition.



Rallying Christians to the Climate Change Fight

On Tuesday, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's chairman and ranking Republican, John Kerry and Richard Lugar, will hold a briefing that will bring scientists and evangelicals together to share their concerns about climate change.

Big names will be there, including Richard Cizik, former vice president for government affairs at the National Association of Evangelicals, and Nobel laureate Eric Chivian, a physician who heads Harvard Medical School's Center for Health and the Global Environment.

Kudos to Kerry and Lugar for bringing leaders in the science and faith communities together to highlight their shared concerns about climate change.

Both senators and their 533 congressional colleagues also would benefit by reading a just-published book, A Climate for Change: Global Warming Facts for Faith-Based Decisions. It was written by Katharine Hayhoe, a geoscientist at Texas Tech and expert reviewer for the IPCC, and her husband Andrew Farley, lead teaching pastor at the west Texas church Ecclesia and author of the bestseller, The Naked Gospel: The Truth You May Never Hear in Church.

Excerpts of the book can be downloaded from ...



What the Off-Off-Year Elections Mean for the Environment

What are the lessons of Tuesday's off-off-year election?

Republican spin doctors are proclaiming that the phoenix has arisen and a newly popular GOP is poised to cast out the spendy liberals in 2010. Democratic spin doctors are saying that all politics are local and a fratricidal GOP is still bent on eating its young.

If the shoes were on the other feet, both the GOP and Dem pundits likely would be saying exactly the opposite. So, if anyone is inclined to listen to partisan spin doctors, take two tablets of salt and call me in the morning.

Nearly a week later, a few patterns seem apparent.

The country is edgy. Despite the recent stock market froth, unemployment remains high, government debt is way outside people's comfort zone, and many voters are not convinced that the know-it-alls in DC know what the hell they're doing. Wary independent voters are displaying a fickle streak. ...



Will We Bother Using Our New Clean Energy Technology?

ethanol and gas pump in brazil


The Obama administration handed out $3.4 billion in grants the other day to begin building the smart grid - smart meters, smart transformers, smart substations, and smart what-not.

The money will buy lots of smart equipment. What it won't do is buy smart behavior. And there lies one of the great unknowns about the big energy transformation facing America.

Will all that great equipment be put to optimal use - squeezing waste out of our energy production and consumption patterns, integrating cleaner technologies into the electric grid, and banishing oil's shadow over our economy and our international relations? Or will cussed, mercurial human behavior drive our energy economy into unexpected directions?

Let's see how these unknowns might play out. One of the ideas behind the smart grid is that if utilities adopt variable electricity pricing for end-use customers and those customers can see current electricity prices on home data screens tied to their smart meters, they will have the information they need to optimize their demand patterns - say, running the dishwasher late at night when demand is down and prices are lower, rather than during morning or early evening hours, when loads are high and electricity prices reflect higher demand. One benefit of shifting demand to off-peak periods would be reduced need for "peaker" power plants, typically gas-fired combustion turbines.

Would consumers respond to clear price signals and shift their demand patterns in optimal ways? There is some evidence that they would, but much will depend on whether consumers incorporate electricity price monitoring into their daily routines. Some may want to actively manage their electricity use, some may not want to be bothered. Today, no one knows precisely how consumers will respond to the technology.

Take another example - plug-in hybrid-electric cars that use both batteries and internal combustion engines for propulsion. General Motors plans to market the Chevrolet Volt sometime next year. Uber-environmentalist Denis Hayes says the Volt is the best idea that Detroit has had in decades.

The thinking behind a car like the Volt is that many people don't need to drive more than 30 or so miles per day for commuting, errands, and socializing.



Why American Prairie Deserves the Same Reverence as National Parks

cardiac hill, Indian Creek

Think of wilderness, and common images that come to mind are towering, ice-shrouded mountains, skyscraper forests, or spectacular waterfalls.

Not many think of grasslands. More should. Our species came of age when our ancestors in the deep past came down from the trees, stood up on the grasslands, and looked afar to take the measure of their world. Grasslands have supported us in many ways ever since.

Many of the wild grasslands that once spread across the continent's midlands are gone, swept away by ideas about development and manifest destiny. Still, there are a few grasslands that people of the plains or westward-ho travelers from yesteryear would recognize. There's a strong case for adding some to the National Wilderness Preservation System, the lands and waters that, in outbreaks of wisdom, we set aside as places where we can clear our minds and let nature take its course.



'Clean' Coal and Nuclear Energy Are the Backbone of Senate Climate Bill (and That's a Good Thing)

It didn't take long before all-or-nothing ideologues on the left and on the right started lobbing rhetorical bombs at Senators John Kerry and Lindsey Graham for daring to suggest in their joint New York Times op-ed that lawmakers from both parties should work together to pass climate and energy legislation.

On the left, Kerry has been pilloried for suggesting that nuclear power and carbon-sequestered coal ought to have a seat at the table in planning a low-carbon energy system for a $14 trillion economy with an immense energy appetite. Kerry's critics on the left demand a simon-pure climate bill that force-marches the U.S. to an economy that runs entirely on renewable energy.

A dramatic boost in renewable energy is necessary, but we won't get there with a my-way-or-the-highway legislative strategy. In the unyielding world inhabited by what Seattle political journalist Joel Connelly calls the "everybody-is-a-sellout-but-us" wing of the political left, however, simon-pure is the only acceptable outcome. If that wing succeeds in blocking any legislation that is not to its liking, there will be no carbon cap, no price on greenhouse gas emissions, and another goose egg for the U.S. in Copenhagen.

Which Kerry knows. There is much else on Kerry's mind. Kerry knows that nuclear energy is expensive and that carbon sequestration on the huge scale necessary to take a significant bite out of emissions is not a sure thing. Kerry also knows, however, that keeping the climate system out of the red zone means that no reasonable option can be left off the table. Knowing all that, Kerry also can count to 60, the Babylonian magic number that must be achieved in the Senate to pass anything controversial in the hyper-partisan world of today's D.C. ...




 
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Republicans for Environmental Protection advocates for environmental issues while adhering to the basic Republican principles of fiscal responsibility and smaller government.
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